Marx uses the word bourgeois to refer towards capitalists of the time (1840s)--those who contributed to "social production" or have been employers of "wage labor" (note, p. 57). The proletarians are the working-class, the majority of society, whose quite lives are controlled by their employers.
The feudal program of guilds had given method to industrialized manufacturing; tradesmen of all sorts were working side-by-side during the same factory, subservient all to a single employer. The bourgeoisie had each simplified society and too drawn a sharper line of separation between itself and also the working-class (pp. 58-59).
Marx takes very good care to explain the rise in history, from feudal times for the supply day, on the bourgeois, through a series of "revolutions inside the modes of production and exchange" (p. 60). The bourgeois had itself struggled against feudalism and monarchial rule to achieve power politically but in producing so replaced "natural superiors" with itself. Men no longer work together exchanging common needs; rather they're now dependent upon the bourgeois for their incredibly existence: "In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, (the bourgeois) has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation" (p. 62).
The numerous prefaces to subsequent editions on the Communist Manifesto are intriguing for the student of Marx and Engels mainly because they point out areas inside the original work which, from a predictive factor of view, proved false within the course of 25 many years or more, yet do not diminish the overall significance on the Communist program. The Preface to the German Edition of 1872 is maybe probably the most critical because it delineates the course from the early translations and deals incredibly frankly from the historical issues encountered to that time. It concludes with Marx' and Engels' very own recognition how the Communist Manifesto had come to be a post of historical significance and ought to not be altered in its most straightforward form.
For Marx, the proletariat will be the only true revolutionary force which currently exists, yet its lack of centralization may be the single largest thing inhibiting its struggle of the bourgeois. Each time the proletariat "rises up," it does so stronger than before, and commands additional attention. Every this kind of contest expands the union (common bond) in between the various workers. Local struggles have to eventually unite into a national struggle, in Marx' view, as well as the successes from the bourgeoisie--by expanding the infrastructure necessary for continued growth--will eventually supply the approaches needed for their overthrow.
When the worker leaves the factory, pay in hand, he is subject for the "lower strata of the middle class," the shopkeepers, landlords, craftsmen. Yet these same petty bourgeoisie are continually becoming pulled down into the proletariat due to the fact their capital and ways are insufficient to compete with modern industry, unable to preserve pace with advances in production technology (p. 71).
Most distasteful to Marx was the idea how the German country was the "model nation, and also the German petty-Philistine the frequent man." He characterized the bulk in the German literature as "foul and enervating" (p. 106).
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